Comparative analysis of the food bank in Italy and France

Nowadays, modern food systems face numerous complex and destabilizing forces, ranging from demographic shifts and urbanization to evolving consumption patterns, globalization, climate change, and inflation.


Author: Nezha Ben Taleb

Food Aid System

Typically operated by nonprofit charitable organizations, food banks serve as vital lifelines, distributing food to individuals facing difficulties in securing enough sustenance to alleviate hunger. They often collaborate with intermediaries such as food pantries and soup kitchens to extend their reach. However, a growing body of literature on critical sustainability highlights how ecological transitions in food systems can unintentionally perpetuate exclusion and reinforce racialized and gendered disparities.

 

Sustainable Food: Exclusivity for the Wealthy

Sustainable food options are often too expensive for individuals with limited incomes (Rogissart et al., 2021), just as cultural framings of what counts as sustainable reflect the practices and priorities of dominant social groups. Anantharaman (2023) suggests that “ecological legitimacy” can stem from either the social characteristics of a group (such as race, class, ethnicity, and gender) or the actions they undertake or are perceived to undertake. Originating in the Western world, green environmentalism has gained global traction, resulting in a dominance  of cultural identities (Carter et al., 2013; Macias, 2016) with it, such as male, White, and upper/middle class. Consequently, the adoption of environmentally conscious food practices manifests as “committed consumption,” a domain primarily accessible to the economically privileged (Dubuisson-Quellier, 2009).

 

Analysis from the field

In 2022, I conducted qualitative research investigating how Arab food bank recipients in Italy conceptualize and integrate sustainable food practices into their daily lives. This exploration was conducted within the framework of their socio-economic circumstances, immigration experiences, and interactions within the food banks. Over the course of approximately a year, I closely observed this immigrant group, gaining insights into their dynamics within the food bank environment. In 2024, I pursued a comparative study on the same subject, this time focusing on the French context. Below, I delineate the key distinguishing features of France and Italy regarding the increase in food poverty, the organization and administration of food banks, and the demographic profile of food aid recipients.

Principal food aid networks in France and Italy

Banque Alimentaire de Paris et d’Ile-de-France (BAPIF) stands as France’s principal food aid network, comprising 79 Food Banks and 31 branches organized under a Federation, catering to both mainland France and its overseas territories. According to the latest BAPIF report (2022), they provide support to 2.4 million food-insecure individuals. The utilization of food aid has tripled between 2011 and 2022, with 94% of recipients confirmed to be living below the poverty line. Nearly 60% of individuals access a network food aid organization twice a week, marking a 6% increase compared to 2020. This surge in food aid demand is primarily attributed to economic inflation, exacerbated by the repercussions of the Covid-19 pandemic. As of February 2023, inflation persists at a high rate of 6.2% over a one-year period in France (BAPIF, 2022).


This trend is not exclusive to France but extends to other European nations like Italy. Caritas Italiana, a key player in providing social assistance to those in need across Italy, annually publishes a report containing comprehensive data on individuals assisted within its network. According to Caritas Italiana (2023), there has been a consistent rise in the number of individuals receiving assistance from 2016 to 2023. This escalation began in 2020, marked by the prolonged impact of the pandemic crisis, further exacerbated by the reverberations of the conflict in Ukraine and a surge in consumer prices. In 2022, consumer prices experienced the most substantial growth since the mid-1980s.

Operating System to Overcome Food Insecurity

The parallels between France and Italy extend beyond the escalating number of individuals grappling with food insecurity, who are increasingly relying on organizations and support networks for aid. Drawing from my research conducted in Italy and insights from studies and publications in France, similarities are also evident in the framework of food aid banks.
Both in France and Italy, food banks typically operate through three main roads to assist individuals facing food insecurity: provision of food packs, meal distributions, and street interventions (known as ‘maraudes‘ in France). For instance, the majority of BAPIF’s associative and public partners (2023) distribute food parcels, primarily targeting families, with an increasing focus on single-parent households. These parcels are provided on a weekly basis and are accompanied by a symbolic financial contribution (typically 1 or 2 euros) or sometimes provided free of charge. Conversely, meals are predominantly consumed by single individuals residing on the streets or in shelters, with no requirement for justification or financial contribution. Additionally, food aid in the form of ‘maraudes’ is offered by select BAPIF partners as part of their street outreach programs. This service is typically conducted during the evenings and, in some instances, extends into the night. Volunteers engage with socially disadvantaged individuals who often prefer not to utilize traditional shelter facilities.

The Source of Food

My empirical research in Italy also highlights shared characteristics in the origins of items and foods provided to those in need.
In Italy, much like certain associations in France (BAPIF, 2022; Kassabian, 2021), surplus or no longer usable food items, including those nearing expiry or with damaged packaging, are collected from large and medium-sized supermarkets, small traders, merchants, and local producers. Additionally, in the French context, a notable portion of the food supply is sourced from European aid programs such as ESF+ (European Social Fund Plus, previously FEAD) or from state-funded initiatives like CNES (Crédit National pour les Epiceries Sociales).

Profile of Food Aid Beneficiaries

Regarding the demographic profile of food aid recipients, data from both Italy (ActionAid, 2021; Ben Taleb, 2024;) and France (Grange et al., 2013; Kassabian, 2021) indicate that over half of the beneficiaries are of foreign descent. These individuals may be recent arrivals in Europe or have resided in the country for more than a decade (Grange et al., 2013). The migration experience can influence their relationship with food practices from their places of origin, either fostering an attachment as a means of affirming identity or prompting a rejection as they seek to distance themselves from previous generations and assimilate into the local culture (Barou, 2010; Régnier et al., 2009; Sayad, 1994). Maintaining culinary traditions from one’s country of origin often involves seeking out ingredients and products readily available and affordable there, but considered luxuries in the host country (Kassabian, 2021), posing challenges for those with limited finances. Over time, a shift in dietary preferences among individuals of foreign descent can be observed, especially at food pantries where they have the opportunity to select their provisions.

The Diet of Muslim Beneficiaries

Among Maghrebi (Muslim) users, three distinct eating profiles emerge (Kassabian, 2021). The first profile comprises individuals who initially only choose halal foods familiar to them from their home countries. However, after receiving information from volunteers, some expand their selections to include items not typically consumed in their place of origin, such as salmon steaks or smoked fishlike trout, salmon, or herring. In contrast, the second group seeks to diversify their diet by incorporating new items, particularly those suitable for vegetarian diets, such as vegetarian sausages, pizzas, and quiches. Lastly, there are Muslim beneficiaries who consume all meat products except pork, in accordance with Islamic dietary laws.

References
  • ActionAid (2021). La fame non raccontata. La prima indagine multidimensionale sulla povertà alimentare in Italia e il Covid-19.
  • Anantharaman, M. (2023). Recycling class: the contradictions of inclusion in urban sustainability. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
  • Barou, J. (2010). Alimentation et migration : Une relation révélatrice. Hommes & migrations. Revue française de référence sur les dynamiques migratoires, n° 1283, p. 6‑11
  • Ben Taleb, N. (2024). Ecological legitimacy: how has the power? Immigrants’ everyday food practices in a ‘green and clean’ Italian city. University of Trento.
  • Carter, E. D., Silva B. and Guzmán G. (2013). Migration, acculturation, and environmental values: The case of Mexican immigrants in central Iowa. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 103(1), 129–147.
  • Dubuisson-Quellier, S. (2009). La consommation engagée, Paris. Presses de Sciences Po, p. 144.
  • Grange, D., Castetbon, K., Guibert, G., Vernay, M., Escalon, H., Delannoy, A., Féron, V. & Vincelet, C. (2013). Alimentation et état nutritionnel des bénéficiaires de l’aide alimentaire Étude Abena 2011-2012 et évolutions depuis 2004-2005. ORS Île-de-France
  • Kassabian, A. (2021). Migrations, précarités et aides alimentaires. Adaptations d’une association caritative aux demandes d’un public émergeant. Sciences et actions sociales.
  • Macias, T. (2016). Ecological assimilation: Race, ethnicity, and the inverted gap of environmental concern. Society and Natural Resources 29(1), 3–19.
  • Rogissart, L., Bellassen, V. and Foucherot, C. (2021). Une alimentation plus durable augmente-t-elle le budget des consommateurs ? Institute for climat Economics. Point Climat n°67.
  • Sayad, A. (1994). Le mode de génération des générations “immigrées”. L’Homme et la société, vol. 111, n° 1, p. 155-174

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